THE
CONSTTUTION OF INDIA – THE CONCEPT OF FEDERALISM
By K P C Rao.,
LLB., FCS., FICWA.,
Practicing
Company Secretary
Introduction
Federalism
is the theory or advocacy of federal principles for dividing powers between
member units and common institutions. Unlike in a unitary state, sovereignty in
federal political orders is non-centralized, often constitutionally, between at
least two levels so that units at each level have final authority and can be
self governing in some issue area. Citizens thus have political obligations to,
or have their rights secured by, two authorities. The division of power between
the member unit and center may vary, typically the center has powers regarding
defense and foreign policy, but member units may also have international roles.
The decision-making bodies of member units may also participate in central
decision-making bodies. Much recent philosophical attention is spurred by
renewed political interest in federalism, coupled with empirical findings
concerning the requisite and legitimate basis for stability and trust among
citizens in federal political orders. Philosophical contributions have
addressed the dilemmas and opportunities facing Canada, Australia, Europe,
Russia, Iraq, Nepal and Nigeria, to mention just a few areas where federal
arrangements are seen as interesting solutions to accommodate differences among
populations divided by ethnic or cultural cleavages yet seeking a common, often
democratic, political order.[1]
A federal political
order is here taken to be “the genus of political organization that is
marked by the combination of shared rule and self-rule”[2]. Federalism
is the theory or advocacy of such an order, including principles for dividing
final authority between member units and the common institutions.
A federation is
one species of such a federal order; other species are unions, confederations,
leagues and decentralised unions—and hybrids such as the present European
Union. A federation in this sense involves a territorial division
of power between constituent units—sometimes called ‘provinces’, ‘cantons’, or
confusingly ‘states’—and a common government. This division of power
is typically entrenched in a constitution which neither a member unit nor the
common government can alter unilaterally. The member unit and the common
government both have direct effect on the citizenry—the common government
operates “on the individual citizens composing the nation”—and the authorities
of both are directly elected. In comparison, decentralized authority in unitary
states can typically be revoked by the central legislature at will. Such
entrenchments notwithstanding, some centralization often occurs owing to the
constitutional interpretations by a federal level court in charge of settling
conflicts regarding the scopes of final legislative and/or judicial authority.
In
other words, Constitution of a country may be Unitary or Federal. Under Unitary
Constitution powers are centralized in Central Government. In Federal
Constitution the powers are distributed between the Centre and State. However,
there is a division of powers between the Federal and the State Governments and
both are independent in their own spheres.
There
is a difference of opinion amongst the jurists about the nature of the Indian
Constitution. One view is that it is a quasi-federal constitution and contains
more unitary features than federal. The other view is that it is a federal
constitution with a novel feature adopting itself to national emergencies. The
view of the framers of the Constitution is that the Indian Constitution is a
Federal Constitution. Dr. Ambedkar, the Chairmen of the Drafting Committee,
observed thus, “I think it is agreed that our Constitution notwithstanding the
many provisions which are contained in it whereby the Centre has been given
powers to override the Provinces (States) nonetheless, is a Federal
Constitution”.[3]
But
some constitutional jurists hesitate to characterize the Indian Constitution as
federal. It is, therefore, necessary to ascertain firstly, what federal
constitution is and what are its essential characteristics and secondly, to
examine whether our Constitution possesses those characteristics.
Federal
Principle
According
to Prof. Wheare, “By the Federal Principles” means “is the method of dividing
power so that the general and regional Governments are each within a sphere
coordinate and independent. Both the federal and the Regional Government are
co-ordinate and independent in their spheres and not subordinate to one another.
The
American Constitution is universally regarded as an example of federal
constitution. It establishes dual polity or dual form of Government. i.e the
Federal and the State Governments. The powers of both the Central and the State
Governments are divided and both are independent in their own spheres. The
existence of co-ordinate authorities independent of each other is the gist of
the federal principle.
Prof.
Wheare, after giving the above definition as to what the federal principle is,
himself proceeds to examine whether the American Constitution satisfies the
above test. He observes “Are we to confine the forms to cases where the federal
principal has been applied completely and without exception? It would not be
sensible to do this. After all, the Constitution of the United States itself ,
as originally drawn up contained at least one exception to the federal
principle in that the Senate was composed of representatives selected by the
Legislatures of the State. Thus a part of the general Government of the United
States was dependent to some extent upon a part of the regional Government.
This exception to the federal principle was maintained in law until 1913. Yet
the American Constitution from 1787-1913 was and must be called a “federal
constitution” for the federal principle was predominant in it. Thus, the
criterion is “Is the federal principle predominant in the Constitution? If so,
that constitution may be called a “federal Constitution” If, on the other hand,
there are so many modifications, in the application of the federal principle
that it ceases to be of any significance, then the constitution cannot be
termed as federal. This appears to be the most instructive and responsible way
in which to use the term “federal constitution “. It seems essential to define federal
principle rigidly, but to apply the term “federal constitution “ more widely.
Thus Dr. Wheare accepts that exceptions are permissible provided federal
principle is predominantly retained in the constitution.
Essentials or Features or Characteristics of
Federalism or Federal Constitution:
1)
Distribution of Powers
2) Supremacy
of the Constitution
3) A
Written Constitution
4) Rigidity
5) Authority
of Courts; and
6)
Dual Policy.
1)
Distribution
of Powers
“Federalism’ means “distribution of powers
of the State among different co-ordinate bodies (Controlled by the
constitution)” The basis of such distribution is in view of national
importance. The basis of such distribution of powers is that in matters of
national importance in which a uniform policy is desirable in the interest of
the units, authority is entrusted to the Union, and matters of local concern
remain with the States.
2)
Supremacy
of Constitution
In a Federal State, Constitution is the
supreme law of the land. The Government Machinery is in accordance with the
provisions of the Constitution. Prof. Wheare says “that those two institutions
–the supreme constitution and the written constitution are then, essential
institutions to a federal Government. The Supreme Constitution is essential if
Government is to be federal; the written constitution is essential if federal
Government is to work well.
3)
A
written Constitution
To
maintain supremacy and to achieve the goals, the Constitution must be in
writing. A written Constitution is one which is written down in the form of
document. Eg. American Constitution.
4) Rigidity
If the Constitution is rigid, it is very difficult to amend. A
rigid Constitution is one, which requires a special, complex and more technical
procedure for its amendment. With this
rigidity, supremacy of the Constitution can be maintained.
5) Authority of courts
For the existence of a Federal system,
Legal Supremacy is very essential. Any action by the Centre or State may
abridge the provisions of the constitution or infringe the legal rights of
individuals. In such situations,
judiciary is the final authority to interpret the constitution to resolve
(settle) such conflicts. This must be done by some independent and impartial
authority above and beyond the ordinary bodies whether federal or State
legislatures existing under the Constitution. The judiciary has, in a federal
polity, the final power to interpret the Constitution and guard the entrenched
provisions of the Constitution.
6)
Dual
Policy
In Federal constitution, there exists
dual policy. The Union at the Centre and States at provinces are, endowed with
sovereign powers.
Here is a list of reasons for a federal order rather than
separate states.
1)
Federations
may foster peace, in the senses of preventing wars and preventing fears of war,
in several ways. States can join a (con)federation to become jointly powerful
enough to dissuade external aggressors, and/or to prevent aggressive and
preemptive wars among themselves.
2)
Federations
can promote economic prosperity by removing internal barriers to trade,
through economies of scale, by establishing and maintaining inter-member unit
trade agreements, or by becoming a sufficiently large global player to affect
international trade regimes.
3)
Federal
arrangements may protect individuals against political authorities by
constraining state sovereignty, placing some powers with the center. By
entrusting the center with authority to intervene in member units, the federal
arrangements can protect minorities’ human rights against member unit
authorities.
4)
Federations
can facilitate some objectives of sovereign states, such as credible
commitments, certain kinds of coordination, and control over externalities, by
transferring some powers to a common body. Since cooperation in some areas can
‘spill over’ and create demands for further coordination in other sectors,
federations often exhibit creeping centralization.
5)
Federal
arrangements may enhance the political influence of formerly sovereign
governments.
6)
Federal
political orders can be preferred as the appropriate form of nested
organizations.
Constitutional
Provisions which Support the Argument of the Federal Principle
Some
scholars hesitate to characterize the Indian Constitution as truly federal
because according to them in certain circumstances the Constitution empowers
the Centre to interfere in the State matters and thus places the States in a
subordinate position which violates the federal principle. They, therefore, use
such expressions for it as ‘quasi-federal’, ‘unitary with federal features’ or
‘federal with unitary features’. In the
opinion of Prof. Wheare: ‘The Constitution establishes a system of Government
which is almost quasi-federal …. A unitary State with subsidiary federal
features rather than a federal State with subsidiary unitary features’. Jennings
has characterized it as a federation with a strong centralizing tendency.
Concept of Federalism- in the Indian Context
India takes
great pride in describing itself as the world’s largest democracy. However,
this democracy is meaningful significantly because it is encapsulated in a
federal structure. While democracy represents the majority opinion, federalism
accommodates and links it to the voice of the minority, lending a flavour of
social justice. This ensures harmonious functioning of the entire system.
Federalism
and cultural and ethnic pluralism have given the country’s political system
great flexibility, and therefore the capacity to withstand stress through
accommodation. However, continuation of the same requires not simply
federalism, but cooperative and constructive federalism.
The
provisions of the Constitution which support the argument of the federal
principle are discussed below:
1) Appointment of governors
The Governors of the State are appointed by the
President. This is however not a matter of much significance, for the Governor
is only the constitutional head of the State who shall normally act on the
advice of his Ministers. There are provisions in the Constitution under which
the Governor is required to send certain State Laws for the assent of the
President. The President has power to veto those State Laws e.g. Arts 200,
288(2) But whatever be the letter of the Constitution in practice there are not
many examples where the President has vetoed the State laws. The only example
has been the Kerala Education Bill. But here also the Centre obtained advisory
opinion of the Supreme Court before sending it back to the State Legislature
for suitable amendments in the light of the Court’s opinion.
2)
Parliament’s power to legislate in the
national interest
Under
Article 249 Parliament is empowered to make laws with respect to every matter
enumerated in the state list if Rajya Sabha passes a resolution by 2/3rd
majority that it is necessary in the national interest. There cannot be any
objection to this provision. First , no one will deny that if a subject in the
State List assumes national character. Parliament should make a law on it. In
normal course this cannot be done unless the Constitution is amended. But in
this provision we have devised an expedient way by which without formally
amending the Constitution, we can achieve the desired effect. Namely, the
acquisition by the Centre of the power to administer and legislate upon a
subject which has assumed national importance. Secondly, it should also be
noted that this power is given to Parliament by the Council of States itself by
passing a resolution supported by 2/3 majority of the members present. Thus, in
effect by this device the Constitution is amended by the agreement of majority
of the States. We, therefore, fail to understand how Article 249 places the
State in subordinate position.
3) Parliament’s power to form new
States and alter boundaries of existing States
The
Parliament of India may form new States; it may increase or diminish the area
of any state and it may alter the boundaries or name of any state (art. 31).
The very existence of the State thus depends upon the sweetwill of the Union
Government. The power conferred on Parliament to make territorial adjustment is
better explained on the historical basis.
The Government of India, for the first time, establish federal polity in
India. It deliberately created the constituent units of the federation although
they had no organic roots in the past. The framers of the Constitution were
well aware of the peculiar conditions under which and the reasons for which the
States were formed and their boundaries were defined and so they deliberately
accepted the provisions in Article 3 with a view to meeting the possibility of
the redistribution of the State territory after the integration of Indian
States. The provisions in Art.3 take into account the fact that the
Constitution contemplated readjustment of the territories of constituent States
which might arise in future.
4) Emergency provisions
The Constitution envisages three types of
emergencies:
i)
Emergency caused by war or external
aggression or armed rebellion (Art.352);
ii)
Emergency caused by failure of constitutional
machinery in states (art.356);
iii) Financial
emergency (Art. 360).
When
the proclamation of emergency is made under Art.352, the normal distribution of
powers between the Centre and the States undergo a vital change. Parliament is
empowered to make laws with respect to any matter enumerated in the State List.
The Centre is empowered to give directions to any state as to manner in which
the State’s executive power is to be exercised. Further the President may by
order direct that all or any of the provisions of Arts. 278 to 279 relating to
distribution of revenue between the Centre and State shall take effect with
such exception or modifications, as he thinks fit. Under Art. 356, if the
President is satisfied that Government of a State cannot be carried on in
accordance with the provisions of the Constitution he can dismiss the state
ministry and dissolve the Legislature and assume all the functions of the
State. Thus the normal distribution of powers between the Centre and the
States, which is the basic element of a federal constitution, is completely
suspended. It is alleged that these provisions enable the Union Parliament to
convert the Union into a unitary State which vitally affects the federal
character of the Indian Constitution.
Do
these provisions modify the federal character of the Indian Constitution? The
correct view is that emergency provisions which come into operation only on the
happening of the specific contingencies , do not modify or destroy the federal
system. It is rather a merit of the Constitution that it visualizes the
contingencies when the strict application of the federal principle might
destroy the basic assumption on which our Constitution is built. The
Constitution by adopting itself to a changed circumstance strengthens the
Government in its endeavour to overcome the crisis. In an emergency the behaviour of each federal
Constitution is very much different from that in peace time. Though the
Constitution of the U.S.A., Australia and Canada do not expressly provide for enlargement
of federal power during the periods of emergency, but during the two World
Wars, the defence power of the Federal Government was given so extended interpretation
by the Courts that these countries behaved more likely unitary than federal
State. For the above reasons, we maintain that the Indian Constitution is
federal in nature. Prof. Wheare has coined a phrase ‘quasi-federation ‘as
applicable to India but he has nowhere defined that a ‘quasi-federation’ is.
“It is not necessary to use such a vague term ‘quasi-federal ‘ to characterize
it” The term ‘quasi-federal‘ is
extremely vague as it does not denote how powerful the Centre is, how much
deviation there is from the pure federal model’ or what kind of special
position a particular quasi-federation occupies between a unitary State and a
federation proper. The fundamental principle of federation is that the powers
are distributed between the Centre and the States and that is done by the
Constitution. That is what the Constitution does. The States do not depend upon
the Centre, for, in normal times the Centre cannot intrude. It may be that the
Centre has been assigned a larger role than the States but that by itself does
not detract from the federal nature of the Constitution, for it is not the essence
of federalism to say that only so much and more power, is to be given to the
Centre.
Prof.
Wheare appears to feel that the American Constitution is truly of federal type.
He says ‘among examples of federal constitutions there may be mentioned those of
the United States, Switzerland and Australia.’
It may, however, be clearly understood that the nature of federalism is
more of historical growth based on a nation’s necessity. To accept the same
pattern of federalism in all countries is well nigh impossible. With all
respects to Prof. Wheare , we may tell him that federalism varies from place to
place and from time to time depending on so many factors-historical,
geographical, economical and political. So what is good for America is not
necessarily good for India. The people of a country can take in only the
required dosages, otherwise they may stunt or destroy their growth. Federalism
is not like the set pattern of coats to wear. It is a clock of varying
organized pattern befitting each wearer and helping him to the next and
superior stages of federalism. India’s federalism is unique and good for
itself. America’s federalism is not perfect as it is stated to be. It has got
its own drawback. Indian constitution is sufficiently federal. It is not less
federal than American federalism which on paper is of higher degree but in the
actual practice the leaning is towards centralization of national interest. The
term ‘quasi’ is a misnomer India is federal and America is more federal in the
outline of the Constitution. In practice there is not much difference between
the two.
It
may be that we deviated in respect of certain matters from the strict
federalism as operating in the U.S.A. or Switzerland, but the reasons are
obvious. The Indian Constitution makers defined the Indian federal structure
not with an eye on theoretical but on practical considerations in designing
federalism. Under the impact of World wars, international crisis, scientific
and technological progress and developments and the emergence of the ideal of
social welfare State, the whole concept of federalism had been undergoing a
change for sometime throughout the world.
There are centralizing tendencies in evidence in every federation and
whether it is in U.S.A. or in Australia, strong and powerful national
governments have emerged in every federation. The framers of the Indian
Constitution took note of these tendencies and kept in view the practical needs
of the country designed on federal structure not on the footing that it should
conform to some theoretical, definite or standard pattern, but on the basis that
it should be able to subserve the need of the vast and diverse country like
India. The Indian Constitution, therefore, constitutes a new bold experiment in
the area of federalism.
In short it may
concluded that the Constitution of India neither purely federal nor purely
unitary but is a combination of both. It is a union of composite State of novel
type. It enshrines the principle that in spite of federalism, the national
interest ought to be paramount. Thus, the Indian Constitution is mainly federal
with unique safeguards for enforcing national unity and growth.[4]
Historical Roots of Cooperative
Federalism
Since the ancient period, kingdoms or empires that have ruled over the Indian subcontinent have practiced federal policies because in all the internal affairs, the chieftain and his vassal state was left very much alone. This policy of non-intervention in local affairs was a practical necessity because natural diversities of the people of the subcontinent were so great that they could only be made a part of a single empire if no or very little effort was made to impose a common set of beliefs.
The
disintegration of the Mauryas and the Mughals is partly attributed to the fact
that monarchs like Jehangir and Aurangzeb did not pay sufficient heed to this
dictum and tried to impose codes of behaviour that offended many of their
subjects. Hence after the Revolt of 1857, when the British decided to leave the
Indian Princes alone and withdrew their interventionist measures like Doctrine
of Lapse and banned use of greased cartridges of animal fat, the British were
simply confirming to a pattern of Government that was already ages old.
Further, the spirit of cooperative federalism was a significant contributor to
Sir Vallabhai Patel’s method of political mobilisation by which he could
successfully persuade and cajole some 492 princely states to join the Indian
Union while simultaneously maintaining the unity of the nation.
Seeds of
cooperative federalism can be traced right from the Regulating Act of 1773
which set up a system whereby the British Government supervised (regulated) the
work of the East India Company but did not take power for itself. The
Government of India Act, 1919 provided for a federal India, however
superficial, by envisaging a dual form of government called ‘dyarchy’. The
Report of the Indian Statutory Commission of 1929 gave a federal solution by
proposing to introduce ‘dyarchy’ at the centre and to advance from diarchy to
fully responsible government in the provinces. The same was sought to be
achieved by the Government of India Act, 1935. In 1937, after a great deal of
confrontation, Provincial Autonomy commenced. From that point until the
declaration of war in 1939, Lord Linlithgow tirelessly tried to get enough of
the Princes to accede to launch the Federation. The Cabinet Mission of 1946
provided that Union of India should deal with Foreign Affairs, Defence and
Communication and all subjects other than Union subjects and all residuary
powers were to vest in the Provinces.
Jawaharlal
Nehru, while moving his Objectives Resolution on 13 December, 1946, reiterated
that the need for a measure of uniformity in regard to apparatus and machinery
of government at the Central level was to be considered in “cooperation and
consultation with the states”, and that “all power and authority of the
Sovereign Independent India, its constituent parts and organs of government,
are derived from the people”
The
Constituent Assembly members did a commendable job by envisaging a cooperative
federalism set up because in the turbulent and bloody circumstances prevailing
at that time and in the wake of India’s partition, it could have been very easy
to swing towards at least a highly centralised federation, if not unitary, in
place of a quasi federation, as the latter is much more difficult to work out,
demanding a lot of ground work, time, draftsmanship as well as ‘vision’ which
could foresee that only a cooperative federal set up could ensure that the
needs of security, defence, urge for a welfare state and meeting the situation
of economic crisis are catered to along with addressing the demands of the
country’s constituent states, as a result of which India as a nation would
last. Hence, even though federal character seemed to be a practical imperative
by reason of India’s sheer size and diversity, yet this assumption should not
be taken for granted.
In fact, the strong central bias in the constitution has been a boon to keep India together at the most crucial time of its birth when forces of communalism, separatism and linguism were rampant.
Development of Cooperative Federalism
Post Independence
The Judiciary
has used numerous phrases to describe this concept of cooperative federalism,
though all of them, in essence, have the same meaning.
In State of Rajasthan v UOI,[5]
, it was quoted that according to Granville Austin, the Constitution of India
was perhaps the first constituent body to embrace from the start what A.H.
Birch and others have called ‘cooperative
federalism’. Chief Justice Beg called the Constitution ‘amphibian’, ....If then our Constitution
creates a Central Government which is ‘amphibian’,
in the sense that it can move either on the federal or on the unitary plane,
according to the needs of the situation and circumstances of a case...”.
In S.R. Bommai v Union of India [6],
the phrase ‘pragmatic federalism’ was
used. In the words of Justice Ahmadi, “..It
would thus seem that the Indian Constitution has, in it, not only features of a
pragmatic federalism which, while distributing legislative powers and
indicating the spheres of governmental powers of State and Central Governments,
is overlaid by strong unitary features...”
In State of Haryana v State of Punjab[7],
‘semi federal’ was used. And in Shamsher Singh v State of Punjab [8],
the Constitution was called ‘more unitary
than federal’.
The changing dynamics and the varied experiences that the Indian State has had - one party rule, coalition and the not so united forms, have led to the shift from Centralist to Federalist to Centre- Federalist forms of federal governance. The rise of regional parties, the formation of coalition Governments, active role of the Judiciary, the shift from the Right to the Left to the current trough of the Left, have shaped the trajectory of federalism by swinging the pendulum from cooperative to confrontationist and vice versa.
In the words
of Chief Justice Beg in State of
Rajasthan v Union of India[9],
“.....A conspectus of the provisions of our Constitution will indicate that,
whatever appearance of a federal structure our Constitution may have, its
operations are certainly, judged both by the contents of power which a number
of provisions carry with them and the use that has been made of them”.
Cooperative in the 1950s
The first fifteen years after independence under Nehru were marked by a democratically elected regime with a comfortable majority coupled with idealism and freshness of hope having just gained independence.
The States
Reorganisation Act, 1956 under Nehru, creating linguistic states, fulfilled a
demand that was being made vociferously and was a victory of popular will. Five
Zonal Councils were set up vide Part-III of the States Re-organisation Act,
1956 with the object, in Nehru’s own words, to “develop the habit of
cooperative working”.
Nehru’s
period also saw the creation of other significant institutions of
inter-governmental cooperation. The Planning Commission was set up by a
Resolution of the Government of India in March 1950 to promote a rapid rise in
the standard of living of the people by efficient exploitation of the resources
of the country. It is not a constitutional body. It works under the overall
guidance of the National Development Council. With the emergence of severe
constraints on available budgetary resources, the resource allocation system
between the States and Ministries of the Central Government is under strain.
This requires the Planning Commission to play a mediatory and facilitating
role, keeping in view the best interest of all concerned. The central grants
recommended by the Planning Commission are discretionary and this amounts to
nearly 70% of the grants received by the states governments, the rest 30% being
from the Finance Commission which is a constitutional body created under
Article 280.
The National
Development Council was created in 1952 by an executive order with the aim to
impart national character to the entire process of planning. Its first
substantive meeting was held in 1967 after almost half the larger states passed
into the hands of the opposition.
In 1966, the
Santhanam Committee on Prevention of Corruption was the first to bring
possession of unexplained disproportionate assets within the ambit of
corruption and to enunciate that the abuse and misuse of power for
self-aggrandisement by the political executive was to be blamed for the
prevalence of corruption at all other levels. The setting up of vigilance
departments presided over by a Chief Vigilance Officer in every Ministry and
Public Sector Undertaking, and the constitution of the Chief Vigilance
Commission in 1964 as a pivotal authority to monitor the progress of vigilance
cases, are the direct outcome of its recommendations. The latter was accorded
statutory status in 2003, consequent upon the judgement of the Hon’ble Supreme
Court in Vineet Narain v. Union of India[10]
, through the Central Vigilance Commission Act, 2003.
In 1967, a
Study Team on Centre-State relations, appointed by the First Administrative
Reforms Commission (ARC), gave the first model for an active Inter State
Council (ISC). It viewed the ISC as a single administrative apparatus that
would replace the then existing adhoc inter-governmental bodies permanently.
Thereafter, the First ARC on Centre State relations submitted its report in
1969 recommending the same that an ISC should be constituted, but unlike its
study team, it wanted the ISC to operate alongside the other adhoc bodies. It
noted that the phrase “common interest” occurring in Article 263 was a
comprehensive one which might be construed to cover problems relating to or arriving
out of the Constitution, legislative enactments, administration and finance.
Confrontationist from 1960s to 1980s
Mrs Indira Gandhi humbled the Congress machine, re-established the supremacy of the parliamentary party over the party organisation, broke the power of state Chief Ministers, and established a new balance or rather, imbalance between the Centre and the States. And her personality cult slowly converted Congress into a coterie party.
The Congress
Government at the Centre further increased its powers vis-a-vis the states by
allotting large funds mainly for centrally sponsored development projects.
These were the projects that were to be implemented in the states but
administered by the centre.
All this
however could not stop the formation of new parties which were born outside the
Parliament, based on ideology, like the DMK in Tamil Nadu, Telugu Desam in
Andhra Pradesh and Communist Party in Bengal. Playing with the country’s
inherent federal spirit can be a double edged weapon. The very policies of
centralisation, politicisation and dictatorship that damaged the federal and
democratic structure of the country, led to the rise of a strongly ideological
party on the right i.e. the BJP and a mildly ideological combine on the Left.
In 1969,
Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and Kerala met at the Chief
Ministers’ Conference as they were dissatisfied with the issue of centre state
relations. In the 1970 Conference, the then CM of Maharashtra challenged the
very competence of Planning Commission to set norms for giving special
assistance to certain states forming their non-plan commitments. The states
were totally opposed to handing over the administration of agricultural income
tax to the Centre.
In 1971, the
North Eastern Council was set up by the North Eastern Council Act, 1971.
Comprising 8 states i.e. the seven sisters and Sikkim, it was to serve as the
nodal agency for socio-economic development of NE region. Unlike the Zonal
Councils, it has to its credit a lot of achievements in the electricity and
education sectors. The Second Administrative Reforms Commission in its 15th
Report on ‘State and District Administration’ suggested that the North Eastern
Council (NEC) should establish an apex Regional Academy for Human Resource
Development as an autonomous body with academic and executive flexibility.
In the
meanwhile, the Rajmannar Committee Report came out in 1971 comprehensively
reviewing centre-state relations. It recognised the urgent need to constitute a
non-political advisory body under article 263 to keep inter-governmental
relations under constant review. Since such a body would be free of politics,
hence it would command greater respect and its advices would be more
acceptable. The ISC should not be merely advisory but be ‘ordinarily binding’ on both the Centre and the States. No decision
of national importance or which may affect one or more states should be taken
by the Union Government except after consultation with the ISC. Every bill of
national importance or which is likely to affect the state interests should,
before its introduction in the Parliament, be referred to the ISC, and its
views thereon should be submitted to Parliament at the time of introduction of
the Bill. It is apparent that the Rajmannar Committee gave the most pro active
recommendations.
It was due to
Mrs Indira Gandhi’s misadventures that in Kesavananda
Bharti v State of Kerala[11],
1973, the Courts evolved the ‘basic
structure’ doctrine to save the Constitution from the misplaced
establishment sovereignty of the Union Parliament. Chief Justice Sikri clearly
stated that the federal character of the Constitution was a feature of the
basic structure of the Constitution which was, hence, not open to whimsical
amendments. And the Doctrine of Supremacy of the Constitution is part of basic
structure i.e. neither of the three constitutionally separate organs of the
State can leap outside the boundaries of its own constitutionally assigned
sphere or orbit of authority into that of the other.
Federalism
came heavily under pressure with the declaration of emergency on 26th June 1975
under ominous conditions. Apart from damaging the federal structure, it also
sowed the seeds of secessionist militant movement among the Sikhs in Punjab.
However, it must be kept in mind that declaration of emergency in itself is not
an attack on federalism. But if the same is done under questionable
circumstances not in sync with the spirit with which the provision for it was
enacted, then federalism is surely under attack.
The
amendments introduced in Article 356 by the 44th Amendment Act helped to
mitigate the abuse of emergency provisions. By deleting the clauses which made
the declaration and continuance of emergency by the President conclusive, it
provided an opportunity for judicial review i.e. the Courts can now take a more
active part in preventing a malafide exercise of power to impose President’s
rule. Quoting Justice P.B. Sawant in S.R.
Bommai v Union of India [12],
“....The courts should not lightly decline to exercise judicial review when as
a matter of common knowledge, the emergency has ceased to exist.....This
amendment has been prompted not only by the abuse of the Proclamation of
emergency arising out of war or external aggression, but even more, by the
wholly unjustified Proclamation of emergency issued in 1975 to protect the
personal position of the Prime Minister”
This
declaration of emergency had another significant impact. It gave an opportunity
to the nascent opposition, struggling for its birth, a burning political cause
and a strongly shared grievance that enabled the leaders to sink their
differences and to plan for the future. This led to the rise of the Janata
Party, India’s first alternative to the Congress, which won in 1977 elections,
marking a watershed in Indian politics. It is to be noted that the break up
from single party rule across the country and the rise of regional parties
happened simultaneously with the existing virtually single party rule of
Congress. It was because of the federal structure that people could aspire for
share in power.
The National
Development Council continued to meet once a year, on an average, throughout
the Seventies, but in the Eighties, as the relations between the Congress and
the opposition grew more and more strained, the frequency of the meetings
declined. In the eighties, it met not more than seven times, and the meetings
were marked by acrimony and tension.
The West
Bengal Government Memorandum on Centre State relations, prepared by the Left
Front Government of West Bengal in 1977, reflected the increasing disagreement
with the Centre and portrayed the Constitution as essentially unitary in
character. Many of its recommendations were similar to those of Rajmannar
Committee.
In State of Rajasthan v Union of India[13]
, States of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Bihar, Himachal Pradesh and
Orissa challenged the sufficiency of grounds of action by the governor under
Article 356(1). Chief Justice Beg held that sufficiency or inadequacy of the
grounds for declaration of emergency could not be gone into by the Court. Only
if the grounds are disclosed to the public by the Union Government which
revealed that a constitutionally or legally prohibited or extraneous or
collateral purpose was sought to be achieved, only then the Court would look
into it. Dissent was been expressed against this judgment in S.R. Bommai case
which expanded the scope of judicial review.
In 1978, the
Chief Ministers’ Conference of non-Janata Party CMs of South India was held.
They discussed the language issue i.e. the imposition of Hindi on the non-Hindi
speaking people, and urged the PM to intervene.
Mrs Indira
Gandhi returned to power in 1979. Her highhandedness further invigorated
movements for autonomy within the existing states and movements for separation
from the Union as in Andhra, Assam and Punjab.
In 1983, the
Conference of non-Congress ruled states was held. It paved the way for the
formation of Council of Chief Ministers for Southern Region. They expressed
that states should discuss mutual problems at their own level amongst
themselves. Centre should be approached only if they fail in solving the issues
ate their own level. They also felt dwarfed at the meetings of the NDC in which
the Centre and the Planning Commission dominated. The Council of CMs for the
Southern Region was the precursor to the Council of Chief Ministers of all
States. It was in favour of cooperative federalism in true spirit of the
Constitution.
Opposition
Conclaves took place in different parts of the country to express views on
centre-state relations. In response to the call of CM of Andhra Pradesh, N. T.
Rama Rao, the first Opposition Conclave was held in Vijayawada in 1983.
Fourteen non-Congress parties gathered to criticise the Centre for encroaching
upon the powers of the states and the Centre was held responsible for all
economic problems of the country. In 1984, Delhi Conclave was held. It was
opined that the Union was only a mother organisation to coordinate the
activities of various states, helping them to develop. It could not operate as
an institution or treat the state governments as its branch offices. The states
would soon become just puppets dancing to the Centre’s tune and unable to exist
as viable territorial units. In the Srinagar Opposition Conclave, 10
non-Congress parties gathered. It was suggested that Governors must be
appointed by the President on the basis of a panel forwarded by the State
Governments concerned and Articles 200 and 201 should either be suitably
amended or else deleted. It also said that it must be mandatory for the
President to constitute ISC. And that the NDC and the Planning Commission
should be given constitutional and statutory status with proper representation
of states on these bodies. The last was the Calcutta Conclave participated by
18 non-Congress parties accusing Indira Gandhi of engaging in a conspiracy
against the Opposition.
Opposition
conclaves should be made a regular feature of our dynamic system. They
symbolise a healthy and responsible federalism. They are a useful forum for
getting to know the other side of the picture. Such conclaves must be held and
thereafter be covered well by the media for the knowledge of the public. But
the same requires a mature Opposition too. If the same is ensured, opposition
conclaves can serve as a fantastic form of institutionalised criticism and pro
activeness. It may even transform into a pseudo shadow cabinet system found in
the UK.
In this
background of simmering discontent among opposition ruled states, Mrs Gandhi
constituted the Commission on Centre State Relations headed by Justice R. S.
Sarkaria, a retired judge of the Supreme Court, in 1984 which submitted its
voluminous report in 1988 to the Rajiv Gandhi Government recommending inter
alia, a permanent Inter State Council as an independent forum for consultation
with a mandate defined according to Article 263. It should deal with subjects
other than socio-economic planning and development and have an advisory role
only. Administratively, it should be called Inter Governmental Council.
Mrs Gandhi
was assassinated in 1984. But Congress came to power again due to sympathy vote
for her son Rajiv Gandhi. Steady deterioration of centre-state relations had
come to head under Rajiv Gandhi. Meetings of the NDC became acrimonious.
Tensions were
most acute over financial matters. Rajiv Gandhi further increased the control
of the centre over plan funds to be spent in the States by bringing majority of
the programs under centrally sponsored schemes to include everything like
drinking water and supply of oil seeds. The State governments were slowly
sidelined from all areas of development generating resentment among the latter.
Such a tendency is found even today (Rural Health Mission, Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan etc.) and it shows lack of confidence in the states and discourages
initiative from the states making them dependent on the Centre for basics. It
does not augur well for progressive federalism. It is also an instance of the
misuse of the grants under Article 275.
In D.C. Wadhwa v State of Bihar [14],
the Court upheld the writ petitions challenging the constitutional validity of
the practise of the Governor of Bihar of repeatedly promulgating the same
ordinances without caring to get the Ordinances replaced by Acts of the
legislature. To quote Justice Bhagwati, “The power to promulgate an ordinance
is essentially power to be used to meet an extraordinary situation and it
cannot be allowed to be ‘perverted to serve political ends’ ”
To control
unprincipled defections induced by allurements of office, money and pressure,
the Tenth Schedule was added by the Constitution (52nd Amendment) Act, 1985.
But since the desired goal could not be achieved, law was further strengthened
by the Constitution (Ninety First Amendment) Act, 2003. It deleted the
provision which did not treat mass shifting of loyalty by one-third as
defection.
Another important
Chief Ministers’ conference was held on June 11, 1989 to forge a consensus on
the statutory creation of PRIs.
With the
economic liberalisation of the 1990s, State leaders came to demand partnership
in the federal policy making processes that concern multilateral agreements
with international organisations. This brought out into the open the economic
and regional disparities making the same a matter of significant concern all
the more for the federal government. At another level, inter-state competition
of sorts came to mark the behaviour of state governments to attract FDI. Hence,
economic liberalisation prompted a change in federal relations from inter governmental
cooperation to inter jurisdictional competition among the states.
After the
assassination of Rajiv Gandhi on May 21, 1991, there was serious concern as to
whether India really was a viable entity and whether it could hold together in
the face of fissiparous tendencies springing all over the country.
Cooperative in the Late 1980s
In 1989, Congress was replaced by a Minority Government called the National Front led by V. P. Singh. This marked the beginning of multi party system in India. In its election manifesto, the National Front argued for a serious commitment to, what it termed, “true federalism” by reversing the over centralisation brought about by the ruling party. A government by consensus was evolved. Two meetings of NDC were held. One was held on June 16, 1989 to endorse the approach to the 8th Five Year Plan. The other meeting was held on October 9, 1989, at which the government asked the members of the Planning Commission to make a presentation to the assembled CMs explaining the rationale for the allocations that had been made to each sector of the economy, and how the principal goals of the plan would be met.
In addition
to revival of the NDC, the Inter State Council was set up as an apostle of federal
comity on a permanent basis. It was created under Article 263, a general
Article under which any number of such bodies can be appointed to deal with
various matters. Its genesis is Section 135 of Government of India Act, 1935.
The report of Joint Commitee of Indian Constitutional Reform contained the
philosophy for the inclusion of an ISC.
The Council
met on August 10th, 1990 on its creation. Thereafter, the first meeting was
held after a gap of 6 years on October 15th, 1996. Since then, it has met
sporadically. In these meetings, it has taken view of all 247 recommendations
of Sarkaria Commission, 65 of which have not been accepted by the Council, nor
by the administrative ministries of the departments concerned, while 179
recommendations have been implemented. Basically advisory and recommendatory,
its main function is to inquire and advice upon inter – state disputes of
non-legal nature. Hence it complements the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction under
Article 131.
The Council
is fully dominated by the executives of the two levels of government. There is
no representation from, or role for, the legislature in deciding the agenda and
issues to be discussed. Furthermore, the meetings of the Council are held in
camera and while the questions discussed by the Council are decided by
consensus, the decision of the PM is final.
Constitutionality
of a policy is determined only by Articles 245 and 246. It does not make any
difference if the matter is not taken to the Council. It is also to be noted
that whereas Article 263 contemplates inquiry into, and advice upon, disputes
between states, it does not bring within the scope of the Article disputes
between the Union and a State.
The fact
remains that in spite of the Council being a constitutional body and the Prime
Minister being its Chairman, yet, the Council has been a non-factor in India’s
federal relations. It is neither an analytical unit that provides short term or
long term strategy nor is it a public policy making institution. It has met
sporadically according to the changing political scenario. Moreover, it has no
decision making authority.
Even then,
the importance of a body like the ISC cannot be ignored because in the modern
times, the problems of a nation have become so intertwined that they cannot be
solved by a mere division of power by the Constitution as between the
Federation and the States. An authority like the ISC is extremely important to
assess the impact of national policies on states and coordinate their mutual
policies, without surrendering their respective constitutional jurisdictions.
A standing
body is definitely necessary to ensure follow up action and to ensure a
holistic perspective which cannot be achieved through adhoc bodies and meetings
alone.
In Dabur India Ltd v State of UP [15],
the Supreme Court recommended that the Government should consider the
feasibility of setting up a Council under Article 263 which would adjudicate
and adjust the dues of the respective governments. Chief Justice Sabyachi
Mukherjee stated that if a dispute is under two different central legislations,
and under one, the state authorities can realise and impose the taxes on
finding certain basis, and under the other, the same transaction may be open to
imposition by Central Government authorities on a particular view, in such a
situation, how and when the refund should be made of duty in respect of a
transaction to one of the authorities, the state or the Centre to be adjusted,
should be a subject matter of settlement by the Council to be set up u/a 263.
To revitalise
the ISC, it was suggested that the ISC should strive for autonomy on the lines
of the Election Commission and even its merger with NDC. As long as a mechanism
remains advisory, it will be nothing more than an ornamental piece. That is the
chief reason for the lack-lustre condition of the ISC and other such bodies.
But if these bodies are properly worked, they can serve as the panacea to the
rising fissiparous tendencies today.
Cooperative in the 1990s
The National Front coalition government of V.P. Singh fell. Chandrashekhar of Samajwadi Janta Party followed from 1990-91. And in the 1991 elections, P. V. Narsimha Rao was elected. The return of Congress and the five years rule from 1991 to 1995 under one party signified a desire among the people for stability, and the fact that federalism can survive only if the Centre itself is strong and competent. A Centre that is formed of parties that are incoherent in their plan of action will be a weak centre that cannot sustain a healthy cooperative structure. Hence simply having a multi party centre is not a guarantee that the same would strengthen federalism or that it would be better than single party rule at the Centre.
Narsimha Rao
followed a conciliatory style of politics. He held all party meetings and used
the National Integration Council to forge a consensus on communal issues and
meetings of the CMs under the aegis of NDC and ISC to discuss specific thorny
problems like urgent need to stop providing electricity virtually free of cost
to agriculture. The NDC has immense untapped potential. Bringing the CMs
together in national decision making will be extremely useful as it not only
helps in strengthening cooperative federalism, but also makes the states
understand the limitations and compulsions of the Centre as well as the
limitations of other states.
In 1992, the
73rd and 74th Amendment Acts were passed making India the first statutorily
defined three tier system of democracy. It was envisaged as a way to destroy
paternalism of the centre. A brainchild of Ramakrishna Hegde, it was first
implemented in Karnataka in June 1987. This measure in many ways formed the
core of the federalist, decentralised form of democracy.
In 1996, the
BJP Coalition was formed that lasted only two weeks as its vision was flawed.
It was followed by the United Front Government under Deve Gowda from 1996-97
and then IK Gujral from 1997-98 of the Janata Dal.
In the
landmark Nine Judge Bench decision S.R.
Bommai v Union of India [16],
it was held that ‘satisfaction’ of
the President is not his personal whim or opinion but a legitimate inference
drawn from the material placed before him, and the same is relevant for the
Courts. The validity of the Proclamation under Article 356(1) was judicially
reviewable to the extent of examining whether it was issued on the basis of any
material at all or whether the material was relevant or whether the
Proclamation was issued in the mala fide exercise of the power. And that
although Article 74(2) bars judicial review so far as the advice given by
Ministers is concerned, it does not bar the scrutiny of the material on the
basis of which advice was given. Quoting Justice Sidhwa in Khaja Ahmed Tariq Rahim v Federation of Pakistan, “...Unless a
violation of a provision of the Constitution was so grave that the Court could
come to no other conclusion but that it alone directly led to the breakdown of
the functional working of the Government, it would not constitute a valid
ground”. Noting the observations in Sarkaria Commission Report, Article 356
provides the remedy when there has been actual breakdown of the constitutional
machinery of the state. Hence, exercise of power under 356 must be limited to
rectifying such a failure only. A wide literal construction of the Article will
damage the fabric of the Constitution.
In 1996, a
group of Chief Ministers and regional leaders met in Hyderabad to discuss what
they considered to be a paradigm shift in federal relations in India. The
slogan of their meeting was “Federation without a Centre” because they believed
that with the formation of the United Front Government, the pattern of federal
relations in India had undergone such a dramatic change where the Central
government had been rendered superfluous.
BJP came to
power again from 1998-2003. It created three new states in 2000 to recognise
the demands around tribal identities. It is important to note that these new
states have emerged very much within the fabric of India which is a “Union of
States”, reinforcing that our federalism is alive and kicking. Indian
federalism has also experimented with sub state regional development councils
to satisfy regional, ethnic and tribal aspirations.
Inclusion of
languages has been another mechanism of cooperative federalism. In 2003, Bodo,
Dogri, Maithili and Santhali were included in the Eighth Schedule of the
Constitution. The inclusion allows privileges like simultaneous translation
facilities in Parliamentary proceedings, allocation of central government
funding for development of the language and its literature and is an effective
tool to include the periphery into the mainstream.
The National
Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (NCRWC) submitted its
report in two volumes to the Government on 31st March, 2002. It recommended
that there was a need to institutionalise the consultation process between the
Centre and the states. It considered Article 263 as being in tune with the
spirit of cooperative federalism and suggested that the ISC Order, 1990 may
clearly specify in 4(b) of the order the subjects that would form part of the
consultation in the ISC. Article 139A should be amended so as to provide that
it can withdraw to itself cases even if they are pending in one Court where
such questions as to legislative competence of Parliament or State Legislature
are involved. Further, an Inter State Trade and Commerce Commission should be
established.
Cooperative, Concomitant, Negotiatory
and Opportunistic in the Last One Decade
The current trends emphasize cooperation and coordination, rather than demarcation of powers between different levels of government. The basic theme today is interdependence.
BJP lost
heavily in the elections of 2003 due to its “Shining India Campaign” resulting
in victory of the Congress with support from outside of the Left. It was a
testing period for the Central Government as it had to play the balancing act
very carefully. Soon after the Government was formed, it faced the threat of
withdrawal from the DMK for not getting plum posts. And it had to face the wrath
of the Left over the Indo-US Nuclear Deal, though successfully, when it had to
prove its majority on the floor of the House. In 2008, the Congress came to
power without outside support.
On 31st
August, 2005, the President set up a Commission of Inquiry called the Second
Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) to prepare a detailed blueprint for
revamping the public administration system under the Chairmanship of Shri
Veerappa Moily.
On 22nd
September 2006, the Supreme Court of India delivered a historic judgment, in Prakash Singh and Others v Union of India,
laying down six practical directives to kick-start the police reform process.
The most important directives of the Supreme Court are Directives 1 and 6 on
setting up State Security Commissions and Police Complaints Authorities. The
Manmohan Singh government had set up a Police Act Drafting Committee (PADC) to
draft a new Model Police Act, commonly known as the Soli Sorabjee Committee in
2005-06. The committee's work and its model Act also provides a sound
legislative guide for state governments to follow in forming their own Acts.
In Rameshwar Prasad v Union of India[17]
, Chief Justice Sabharwal held that, “.....Undisputedly, the Governor is
charged with the duty to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution and the
laws, and has a concomitant duty and obligation not to permit the ‘canker’ of political defections to tear
into the vitals of the Indian democracy..... After elections, every genuine
attempt is to be made which helps in installation of a popular Government,
whichever be the political party”.
On April 27,
2007, the Second Commission on Centre State Relations was set up with
Chairperson Justice M. M. Punchhi, to look into the sea changes that have taken
place in the polity and economy ever since the Sarkaria Commission looked into
the issue of centre-state relations two decades ago. The Commission has been
criticised for non inclusion of the major points in the Centre State relations
such as the needed increase in the share of central taxes for the states,
transfer of centrally sponsored schemes in the state subjects to the states and
the alleviation of the problem of debt burden on the state. There has been an
intrusion into the jurisdiction of the states as items (j) and (k) of the terms
of reference have been mentioned along with the idea of setting up of a central
law enforcing agency. These go against the basic issue viz. the law and order
being a state subject.
On January 6,
2009, CMs conference was held in Delhi where the multi dimensional challenges
from terrorism, Left-wing extremism and insurgency in the North–East were
highlighted. The CMs conferences should not be an opportunity wasted. The
pivotal point that determines the country’s security ultimately depends upon
the citizens’ confidence in the state machinery .On June 29, 2009, CMs
conference was held in Delhi with the participation of 29 CMs on the issues of
rural development, drinking water and sanitation.
Though the
dominant party today effectively is the Congress alone, yet there is hardly any
possibility of an Indira Gandhi like confrontationist federalism to take shape
because cooperative federalism today is the result of a complex interlay of
multiple factors. It is no longer the old 2-tier kind of set up. Rather it has become
not just 3 tiered but also multi layered within the 3 tiers, along with the
interplay of independent external players envisaging newer opportunities for
shared action. All this has added to the beauty and strength of our federal
structure.
Challenges for 21st Century
Federalism
The new challenges facing 21st Century federalism have further necessitated the pre existing need for cooperative federalism, thereby making its practice as a form of governance all the more indispensable. Technological advances have led to tremendous improvement in connectivity and accessibility, both, physical as well as electronic.
Environmental challenges of global nature like climate change do not recognise state frontiers. Pollution and conservation issues reflect the uncomfortable tension between decision making process of the governments at the centre-state –local levels. Public Trust Doctrine is a new doctrine of federalism evolved by the Supreme Court in MC Mehta v Kamal Nath[18] . It has established a direct link between the State and the public. To quote Justice Kuldip Singh, “The State is the trustee of all natural resources which are by nature meant for public use and enjoyment...and is under a legal duty to protect the natural resources. These resources meant for public use cannot be converted into private ownership”. Disaster Management transcends inter-state boundaries.
Globalisation
has reinforced the need for concurrence between the geographical, climatic,
environmental and technological diversities inter as well as intra states so
that they may link with global processes for viable and sustainable development
and growth. What is being experienced at the global level is also being felt at
the local level. India is making strides in the global sphere and the local
governments that promote shared partnership in development have come to be
noticed today. Hence, whenever development programs or any other interests of
states in matters relating to IT or investment by way of export, trade,
exchange of projects etc are touched by international agreements, the well
conceived demands of states should be met in order to promote truly
cooperative, coordinative and multi dimensional centre state relations. This
requires mutual trust and confidence.
Since the
world has become a global village, the country’s internal security and
political problems are open to external influence verging on intervention. For
instance, the US Ambassador to India, Mulford, in 2006, overstepped his
diplomatic role by writing directly to the Chief Minister of Assam offering
assistance from the FBI to investigate a bomb attack in the state. Hence, under
the garb of protecting human rights and on the plea that minorities are being
tortured, big powers can intervene militarily which is against India’s
interest.
The states
today have acquired sufficient political weight of their own through a
pluralised party system enabling individual states to embark onto bilateral
negotiations with the union bypassing the institutionalised bodies of
collective policy framing that have proved to be ineffective, thus lending a
negotiatory character to our federalism.
However, the
same must be taken with a pinch of salt because power sharing by states at the
central level has not contributed towards reducing localism, parochialism and
chauvinism of regionalists and sub-regional parties. Increase in bargaining
capacity will serve to strengthen cooperative federalism only if the supposed
drawbacks of centralism are mitigated through it.
The
increasing voices of autonomy and separatism have vitiated the political and
social fabric of the federal structure. States are increasingly harbouring
feelings of deprivation and alienation and have begun viewing all problems from
a narrow parochial outlook. Moreover, their approach is becoming violent
confrontationist.
This not only weakens the nation politically and economically but also makes the land fertile for the growth of terrorism and insurgency.
The Indian
Union has united its rich diversity of its humungous population serving as an
example to the rest of the world. This is an asset to be built upon for the
future. To override the fissiparous tendencies, only the legitimate grievances
of the regions or states should be addressed as far as possible within the
framework of the federal Constitution. More importantly, a strong sense of
nationhood is necessary to maintain our territorial integrity and internal
security, and this cannot be accomplished without cooperative federalism.
Terrorism,
militancy, organised crimes, problem of internally displaced persons, refugees
– all these require that the country as a whole comes together and the
institutional bodies under state governments help the centre by collectively
making available the necessary information and resources.
The need to
come together today is not only the consequence of the new challenges facing
the nation but that the same will serve as an antidote to prevent such
challenges from recurring in future. Cooperative federalism alone strengthens
the nation from within by enabling it to withstand adversities and challenges
because of its inherent resilience and malleability.
India is a
beautiful melting pot of diversity. The same needs to be valued and cherished.
And there isn’t a better way to do so than by cooperative federalism. In the
famous words of Nani Palkhivala – ‘Who
Dies if India Lives and Who Lives if India Dies’..... People of several
states sink or swim together, and that in the long run, prosperity and
salvation are in innovation and not in division; mutuality and not conflict; co-operation
and not competition.
[This material is put online to further the educational goals of ‘Study in Law’. This material may be used freely for educational and academic purposes. It may not be used in any way for profit.]
[1] Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (SEP)
[2] Watts 1998, 120
[3] C.A.D.Vol. 4 p.133, see also C.A.D., Vol.5 pp
33-36.
[4] Jennings – some Characteristics of Indian
Copnstitution, P. 55
[5] State of Rajasthan v UOI, 1977; AIR 1977 SC 1361
[6] S.R. Bommai v Union of India; (1994) 3 SCC 1: JT
(1994) 2 SC 215
[7] State of Haryana v State of Punjab;
2002(1)SCALE238, (2002)2SCC507, [2002]1SCR227
[8] Sher Singh & Others v the State of Punjab; AIR
1983 SC 465
[9] State of Rajasthan v Union of India; AIR 1977 SC 1361
[10] Vineet Narain v. Union of India; AIR 1998 SC 889
[11] Kesavananda Bharti v State of Kerala; AIR 1973 SC 1461
[12] S.R. Bommai v Union of India; (1994) 3 SCC 1: JT
(1994) 2 SC 215
[13] State of Rajasthan v Union of India; AIR 1977 SC
1361
[14] D.C. Wadhwa v State of Bihar; AIR 1987 SC 579
[15] Dabur India Ltd v State of UP; 1990 AIR 1814 1990
SCR (3) 294 1990 SCC (4) 113 JT 1990 (3) 109 1990 SCALE (2)29
[16] S.R. Bommai v Union of India; (1994) 3 SCC 1: JT
(1994) 2 SC 215
[17] Rameshwar Prasad v Union of India; AIR 1990 SC 560
[18] MC Mehta v Kamal Nath; (1997) 1 SCC 388
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